sábado, 9 de maio de 2009
Douglass North: A Economia Política do Desenvolvimento Econômico
Thomas Schelling e Coisas Assustadoras
sábado, 2 de maio de 2009
quinta-feira, 23 de abril de 2009
Palanque é Palanque e....
Calomiris Sobre Reforma Financeira
Exemplo de Rent-Seeking?
A única coisa certa, no entanto, é que o jornalista que investigou o caso foi condenado numa ação reparatória por dano moral movida pelo referido escritório.
segunda-feira, 20 de abril de 2009
Cultura do Calote
Esta limitação a pagamentos de dívidas já reconhecidas representa nada menos do que um confisco legalizado. Existem pelo menos duas implicações importantes recorrentes da proposta.
A primeira, diz respeito ao funcionamento de mercados e criação de riqueza. Mercados tendem a funcionar bem e maximizar a criação de riqueza quando direitos de propriedade são bem estabelecidos e garantidos, custos de transação são relativamente baixos, existe um bom fluxo de informação e os mercados são razoavelmente competitivos. O confisco proposto pela Proposta de Emenda Constitucional enfraquece direitos de propriedade, instituição econômica necessária para criação de riqueza, erradicação da pobreza e promoção do desenvolvimento econômico. Mesmo antes da sua conversão em lei, o Brasil já andava mal no quesito definição e proteção à propriedade privada. De acordo com o Índice Internacional de Direitos de Propriedade, divulgado no país pelo IL-RS, O Brasil caiu de 62o. lugar em 2008 para 68o. em 2009, sendo que o índice avalia 115 países. Como este indicador revela a correlação que existe entre direitos de propriedade e desenvolvimento e bem-estar econômico, o confisco proposto não afeta apenas os proprietários atingidos diretamente pelo confisco, mas atinge negativamente também toda a sociedade brasileira por reduzir as possibilidades de crescimento e desenvolvimento econômico.
A segunda implicação diz respeito à própria política fiscal. A PEC do Calote dá os incentivos errados a prefeitos e governadores, que poderão promover desapropriados e executar obras públicas sem se preocupar com os pagamentos. Irresponsabilidade fiscal é o efeito direto dos incentivos perversos do confisco legalizado, o que reduz a credibilidade de pagamentos futuros da dívida pública com aumento de risco percebido e maiores taxas de juros. O caminho escolhido pelos legisladores brasileiros é o oposto daquele que Douglass North e Barry Weingast apontaram em seu famoso artigo de 1989: Foi o compromisso crível do governo em relação a garantia de diretos de propriedade e à impossibilidade de renegar a dívida pública que possibilitou o grande surto de crescimento econômico da Inglaterra nos séculos XVII e XVIII.
sexta-feira, 17 de abril de 2009
Quermesse Desvairada e a Crítica de Lucas
quarta-feira, 15 de abril de 2009
Fraude e o "Stress Test" de Mr. Geithner
" The regulators are overwhelmed because of personnel cuts (particularly heavy among their best, most experienced examiners that had worked banks that had engaged in sophisticated frauds. Buyouts were common, because more experienced examiners appear more expensive. This isn't true when you consider effecitiveness and productivity, but management didn't care about that. Treat what I write after the colon as hearing from me at my most serious and thoughtful: it is vastly more difficult to examine a bank that is engaged in accounting control fraud. You can't rely on the bank's books and records. It doesn't simply take more, far more, FTEs -- it takes examiners with experience, care, courage, and investigative instincts and abilities. Very few folks earning $60K are willing to get in the face of the CEO and CFO making $25 million annually and tell them that they are running a fraudulent bank and they are liars. FYI, this is one of the reasons why having "resident examiners" never works. The examiners don't even get to marry the natives. They get to worship God's annoited. Effective examination is good for you, but it is very unpleasant, ala a doctor's finger up your rectum. It requires total independence. So, the examination force doesn't have remotely the numbers or the relevant experience and mindset to examine the largest banks with the greatest problems."
"...few examiners understand more exotic products. In my experience, nobody understands all the products. I certainly don't, and if I did I'm sure my knowledge would be out of date within weeks.
The problem is compounded by the fact that understanding how the product is actually used (CDS is a good example) v. how its proponents picture it as being used is essential. Understanding its sensitivity to credit and interest rate risk is well beyond the ken. Understanding the liquidity risks and interaction effects is out of the question.
Examiners rarely know that financial risks are not normally distributed, but have far fatter tails. (Nor do they understand why this makes truncating the VAR a recipe for disaster.) Examiners rarely understand that any econometric analysis undertaken during the expansion phase of a bubble will invariably find the strongest positive correlation with the worst possible business practices (because those practices maximize accounting fraud)."
Bancos, Fraude, Evasão Fiscal e Ações Sociais
sexta-feira, 10 de abril de 2009
Crise Financeira, Sexo, Drogas e Rock'n'Roll
segunda-feira, 6 de abril de 2009
Uma Questão de Tratamento
"LONDON - Impressed by Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh’s persona, U.S President Barack Obama described him as a “wise” and “wonderful” man.
The 48-year-old new American leader said: “First of all I should say that your Prime Minister is a wonderful man. He is a wise and decent man.”
Referring to Singh’s role in India’s economic liberalization, Obama said: “He (Singh) has been doing a wonderful job in guiding India even prior to being the Prime Minister along the path of extraordinary economic growth. That is a marvel, I think, for all of the world.”"
Apenas por uma questão de valores, creio que é melhor ser tratado como "homem sábio e decente" do que como "boa pinta". É bem verdade que nestes encontros políticos a tônica é dada pelo "cheap talk", vulgo conversa mole ou, se quiserem, demagogia. Mas cada participante recebeu tratamento condizente à sua altura moral e intelectual. Mr. Singh exerce sua liderança, de forma consistente, para promover reformas que colocam o seu país na rota da prosperidade mesmo antes de se tornar Primeiro Ministro. Mr. da Silva, por outro lado, já afirmou que "Quando eu era sindicalista, eu culpava o governo. Quando eu era da oposição, eu culpava o governo. Quando eu virei governo, eu culpei a Europa e os Estados Unidos". Nada mais adequado e polido do que tratar "o cara" como boa pinta.
quarta-feira, 1 de abril de 2009
Falhas de Governo
Febeapá Expandido: A Culpa é da Zelite
terça-feira, 31 de março de 2009
Madrugada dos Mortos: O Nascimento de uma Empresa Zumbi
"The most likely outcome, sad to say, is some semiserious restructuring plan, with or without court involvement, to be followed by long-term government intervention and backdoor subsidies forever. That will amount to the world’s most expensive jobs program. It will preserve the overcapacity in the market, create zombie companies and thus hurt Ford. It will raise the protectionist threat as politicians seek to protect the car companies they now run. It would have been better to keep a distance from G.M. and prepare the region for a structured bankruptcy process. Instead, Obama leapt in. His intentions were good, but getting out with honor will require a ruthless tenacity that is beyond any living politician."
sexta-feira, 27 de março de 2009
Febeapá Dissecado
O Fed Causou a Bolha Imobiliária e a Crise Financeira?
quinta-feira, 26 de março de 2009
Richard Epstein: Direito e Economia da Taxação dos Bônus
"Thus any sensible system of limited government should consider the proposed bills unconstitutional. Special taxes on some forms of income (but not others) and retroactive taxes put in place after business transactions are complete both merit strong condemnation. The bills in Congress are rife with both elements.
Nevertheless, a constitutional attack against any such law that might emerge faces an uphill battle. Since the New Deal, if not earlier, the courts have allowed Congress and the states to decide which economic activities to tax, and how.
Two basic principles that animated our Constitution appear to have no traction today. One holds that property is the guardian of every other right. The second asserts that voluntary exchange is the source of general peace and prosperity. Today's Supreme Court looks to neither principle for guidance."
Embora longe de qualquer comparação ao regime de insanidade jurídica que vivemos no país, parece que os Estados Unidos, lamentavelmente, trilham o mesmo caminho.
Jeffrey Sachs sobre o Plano Geithner
terça-feira, 24 de março de 2009
Andrei Shleifer e a Era de Milton Friedman
"The last quarter century of world development has presented economists interested in economic policy with many complex challenges. To name a few, economies moving
from socialism to capitalism and embracing market policies at first collapsed, and began
growing only after three to six years. The rapidly growing and heavily market oriented
Asian economies suffered major setbacks in the late 1990s, with major recessions that
slowed them down for at least a couple of years. The economies of South America
embraced budget discipline and privatization in the 1980s and 1990s, yet showed truly
lackluster economic growth. Importantly, many of these regions ended the era in a
spurt of rapid economic growth, but the troubles along the way raised questions
about appropriate tactics of policy reform.
Grappling with these questions improved our understanding of the workings of market economies, and of interactions between the state and the private sector. Transition has
taught us that economic and political disorganization, combined with obsolete human
capital of both economic agents and politicians, can sharply slow down the economic
turnaround. The Asian crisis has reinforced the centrality of the financial system in the
workings of a market economy, and exposed the vulnerability of that system to financial
bubbles and generally imprudent financial arrangements. The Latin American experience
has laid bare the fact that private ownership and fiscal prudence yield only limited benefits in a regime of overbearingtaxation and regulation. All these episodes taught important lessons for the tactics of economic policy making.
Perhaps the crux of these lessons is to focus on the right problem. The two areas of the world facing most dramatic economic challenges today are Africa and Latin America. When thinking about their growth performance, surely the most obvious problem is the lack of new businesses and investment, particularly in the formal sector. It seems highly unlikely that the central challenges have to do with whether inflation should be above or below 10 percent (so long as public deficits are under control), or whether there should be a 0 or 1 percent transaction tax on capital flows (so long as capital markets are broadly open). It seems obvious that the central challenges have to do with the shortages of human capital, and with predatory regulatory and tax policies conducted by African and Latin American states. Indeed, my feeling is that reducing the burdens of (particularly corporate) taxation and regulation, and replacing extremely inefficient regulations with more appropriate ones, are the
central challenges facing many developing countries today. The World Bank has properly
drawn attention to the necessary reforms through its Doing Business report, and we
have seen significant steps toward progress, especially among transition economies.
But tactics is only part of a broader strategy. On strategy, economics got the right
answer: free market policies, supported but not encumbered by the government, deliver
growth and prosperity. And while a lot has been accomplished in the last quarter century,
a lot remains to be done. Most countries have embraced responsible fiscal policies, but it is
far from clear that such policies can survive the volatility in the world’s economy. World
trade has a long way to go to become truly open. Many developing countries, especially in
South Asia, Latin America, and Sub-Saharan Africa, urgently need government much less
hostile to business. Many countries desperately need improvements in their legal systems,
including bankruptcy systems, to secure property rights. Indeed, many Sub-Saharan
African countries are rethinking their development strategies, after several state-centered
false starts. It is far from a foregone conclusion that their governments will make good
choices. We have a long haul ahead of us."
Amartya Sen: Capitalismo Além da Crise
"The revival of Keynes has much to contribute both to economic analysis and to policy, but the net has to be cast much wider. Even though Keynes is often seen as a kind of a "rebel" figure in contemporary economics, the fact is that he came close to being the guru of a new capitalism, who focused on trying to stabilize the fluctuations of the market economy (and then again with relatively little attention to the psychological causes of business fluctuations). Even though Smith and Pigou have the reputation of being rather conservative economists, many of the deep insights about the importance of nonmarket institutions and nonprofit values came from them, rather than from Keynes and his followers."
"The present economic crises do not, I would argue, call for a "new capitalism," but they do demand a new understanding of older ideas, such as those of Smith and, nearer our time, of Pigou, many of which have been sadly neglected. What is also needed is a clearheaded perception of how different institutions actually work, and of how a variety of organizations—from the market to the institutions of the state—can go beyond short-term solutions and contribute to producing a more decent economic world."